A gold seal, apparently the same one awarded by the Chinese emperor, was unearthed on the island of Shikano, at the mouth of Hakata Bay, in
Japan Table Japan political system Contents The Japanese political system has three types of elections: Elections are supervised by election committees at each administrative level under the general direction of the Central Election Administration Committee.
|Japan's discriminatory koseki registry system looks ever more outdated | The Japan Times||It thus legitimizes — mandates — certain types of discriminatory treatment.|
|The enforcement of national seclusion||During the Yayoi period ca. The basic genetic stock of the population and the fundamental patterns of the language were established during that period.|
The minimum voting age for persons of both sexes is twenty years; voters must satisfy a three-month residency requirement before being allowed to cast Japan political system ballot. For those seeking office, there are two sets of age requirements: In the general election of February 18,the thirty-ninth held since the first parliamentary election in Julythe multiple-seat election districts of the House of Representatives returned two to five representatives, depending on their population.
There were two exceptions: Successful candidates were those who won at least the fifth largest aggregation of votes in a five-person district, the fourth largest in a four-person district, and so on. Voters cast their ballots for only one candidate. Competition for lower house seats in the February general election varied from district to district.
In House of Councillors elections, the prefectural constituencies elect from two to eight councillors, depending on their population.
Each voter casts one ballot for a prefectural candidate and a second one for a party in the national constituency system. Percentages of eligible voters casting ballots in postwar elections for the House of Representatives had varied within a rather narrow range, from The figure for the February 18,general election was Although interest in politics is greater in urban areas than in rural areas, voter turnout in the latter is generally higher, probably because constituents have a greater personal stake in such elections.
Elections and Political Funding Partly as a result of revelations following the Recruit scandal ofthe problem of political funding was intensely debated during the late s and early s. The scandal arose as a result of the dealings of Ezoe Hiromasa, the ambitious chairman of the board of the Recruit Corporation a professional search service that had diversified into finance and real estate and had become involved in politicswho sold large blocks of untraded shares in a subsidiary, Recruit Cosmos, to seventy-six individuals.
The persons involved included the most influential leaders of the LDP usually through their aides or spouses and a smaller number of opposition party figures. Although such insider trading was not strictly illegal, it caused public outrage at a time when the ruling party was considering a highly controversial consumption tax.
The lack of public funding meant that politicians--especially, but not exclusively, members of the LDP-- needed constant infusions of cash to stay in office.
Maintaining staff and offices in Tokyo and the home district constituted the biggest expense for Diet members. Near-obligatory attendance at the weddings and funerals of constituents and their families, however, was another large financial drain: This change forced Diet members to seek a larger number of smaller contributions to maintain cash flow.
Fund- raising parties to which tickets were sold were a major revenue source during the s, and the abuse of these ticket sales became a public concern. Another related problem was the secrecy surrounding political funds and their use.
Although many politicians, including members of newly appointed cabinets, voluntarily disclosed their personal finances, such disclosure is not compulsory and many sources of revenue remain obscure.
Proposals for system reform in the early s included compulsory full disclosure of campaign funding, more generous public allowances for Diet members to reduce or, ideally, to eliminate their reliance on under-the-table contributions, and stricter penalties for violators, including lengthy periods of being barred from running for public office.
It was argued that the multiple-seat districts made election campaigning more expensive because party members from the same district had to compete among themselves for the votes of the same constituents. It was hoped that the smaller size of single-seat districts would also reduce the expense of staff, offices, and constituent services.
Critics argued, however, that the creation of single-seat constituencies would virtually eliminate the smaller opposition parties and would either create a United States-style two-party system or give the LDP an even greater majority in the lower house than it enjoyed under the multiple-seat system.
In contrast with multimillion-dollar United States political campaigns, direct expenses for the comparatively short campaigns before Japanese general, upper house, and local elections were relatively modest.
The use of posters and pamphlets was strictly regulated, and candidates appeared on the noncommercial public television station, NHK, to give short campaign speeches. Most of this activity was publicly funded. Campaign sound-trucks wove their way through urban and rural streets, often bombarding residents with earsplitting harangues from candidates or their supporters.
No politician, however, could expect to remain in office without considering expenses for constituent services the most important component of campaign expenses.
In the summer ofthe LDP government of Miyazawa Kiichi was brought down largely as a result of its failure to pass effective political reform legislation. The minority government of Hosokawa Morihiro that succeeded it proposed legislation to ban direct contributions by companies or unions to parliamentary candidates and to divide the Diet equally between single-seat constituencies and seats distributed by proportional representation.WASHINGTON, Mar.
02, - The State Department has made a determination approving a possible Foreign Military Sale to Japan of MK 15 Phalanx Close-in Weapon System (CIWS) Block IB Baseline 1 to MK 15 Phalanx Block IB Baseline 2 conversion kits for an estimated cost of $45 million.
Agents Of Influence [Pat Choate] on ph-vs.com *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. Assesses the impact of Japanese lobbyists on American politics, economics, and public opinion, discussing why Japan is spending money on lobbyists and analyzing the long-term policy implications for the U.S.
government. European names for the country probably originated with Marco Polo, who most likely adopted a name for Japan used in a Chinese dialect. The name "Yamato" is used by archaeologists and historians to distinguish Japanese artistic .
Japan - The bakuhan system: The ancestors of Tokugawa Ieyasu, the founder of the Edo bakufu, were the Matsudaira, a Sengoku daimyo family from the mountainous region of Mikawa province (in present Aichi prefecture) who had built up their base as daimyo by advancing into the plains of Mikawa.
But when they were attacked and defeated by the . Agents Of Influence [Pat Choate] on ph-vs.com *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. Assesses the impact of Japanese lobbyists on American politics, economics, and public opinion, discussing why Japan is spending money on lobbyists and analyzing the long-term policy implications for the U.S.
government. Legal status as political party (seitō) is tied to having five members in the Diet or at least two percent nationally of either proportional or local vote in the last Representatives or one of the last two Councillors ph-vs.comcal parties receive public party funding (¥ per citizen, about ¥ 32 bill.
in total per fiscal year, distributed according to recent .